We bought a folding-carton plant in Bowling Green, Kentucky, from its founding family in March 2023. Its 300 employees were not represented. Pay averaged about fourteen percent below our Lima rates, and in 2022 the seller had moved the plant to a rotating twelve-hour schedule that many employees disliked. At closing we announced a two-step wage increase, with the second step due in February 2024.
In November 2023 employees petitioned for a representation election, which a National Labor Relations Board regional office then ran. The plant manager, who had run the site for the seller for fifteen years, wanted outside campaign consultants and compulsory meetings, and our chief executive initially agreed with him. I argued for a different course. Managers could explain the company's view and answer questions factually, but we would hire no consultants, and every supervisor would be trained on what the law prohibits, including threats, questioning employees about union support, promises of benefits and surveillance. On counsel's advice, the February wage step would be paid exactly as announced, neither brought forward nor withheld.
The chief executive accepted that approach after counsel reviewed it. We gave up a harder campaign and, probably, some chance of a different result. The plant manager felt we had tied his hands, and he left the company later that year.
The employees voted 141 to 118 for representation in January 2024. No unfair labour practice charge was filed against the company. We bargained a first contract, ratified in December 2024, which replaced the rotating twelve-hour schedule with fixed eight-hour shifts. Annual turnover at Bowling Green fell from 44 percent in 2023 to 27 percent in 2025.
Corrinwood now enters every acquisition with a stated position on employee choice. What I would do differently is earlier and simpler: meet employees on every shift in the first month and ask about the schedule. The petition grew from a grievance we had inherited and never explained.